But should major countries time and again make strategic miscalculations, they might create such traps for themselves. At a time when China is working toward ensuring international peace and stability, the US has been acting in a very arrogant and irresponsible manner. A cursory glance at the developments in global politics today makes a dispassionate observer feel pity over the conduct of the world's most powerful state, which in the name of "making itself great again" is making every effort to damage the very international order it created.
The additional capabilities are intended for the China front. This article examines the impetus behind the threat perception. Through the international relations prism, China is seen as the rising challenger to a US in relative decline.
In the ensuing rebalancing of power, China is being contained by the US acting as an off-shore balancer, with the democracies in the Asia-Pacific at the frontline.
The Indo-US nuclear deal, symbolizing increased proximity, has led to a greater distancing. A series of Chinese missteps, beginning with China threat thesis to the deal at the IAEA, carry an intrinsic message that India finds inimical, if not intimidating.
A country that does not develop and produce its own major weapons platforms has a major strategic weakness and cannot claim true strategic autonomy. The portents of a counter strategy are visible with the early winter visits of the heads of Vietnam, Myanmar and Afghanistan to New Delhi.
The strategic narrative apart, theory suggests that other impulses exist originating in the sphere of domestic politics and at the institutional level. These have not found mention in the debate surrounding the threat perception. Acknowledging their presence and relative significance of each, is necessary not so much to assess plausibility of the perception, but to bring out that threat perceptions require more than strategic logic to understand.
The first question that needs asking is: Its neoliberal privileging of the economy in grand strategy, has led to a strategy of restraint. The government to escape characterization as soft on security can use the issue to appear responsive. The strategy appears to be to convey that India is not negotiating from a position of weakness.
The sense of parity is necessary not only to impress China, but also to carry the domestic front along, since inevitably ahead there are trade-offs to be made. While Pakistan has served this purpose eminently well, two reasons call for change.
One is the increasing asymmetry in power between India and Pakistan and, two, is the unaffordable internal political use of the external bogey for internal political purposes by majoritarian nationalists. This can be seen in the manner Indian media has taken to viewing China.
The media has been fed with writings in this vein by the strategic community, increasingly funded by the emerging military-industrial complex. Defense offsets policy revisions have enabled foreign investment into the defense sector.
With the western economy looking at a second recession in half a decade, there are also jobs to be saved abroad.
Aggressive mixing of diplomacy with a military sales pitch accounts for New Delhi as a favored diplomatic destination. The three armed services are in a scramble in which role redefinition would determine access and relative salience for the future.
With Pakistan having receded as the threat fixation, the China card is handy in this. The gap between projection and reality reveals a more nuanced understanding that is more about India internally than its external strategic circumstance.
This is in keeping with what critical international relations theory suggests, that states are not quite billiard balls. Drawing on its insights helps bring balance into perceptions.COUNTERING THE CHINA THREAT: CHINA’S GOODWILL CAMPAIGN IN FOREIGN POLICY, - by JESICA LYNN SEVERSON A THESIS Presented to the Department of Political Science.
regardbouddhiste.com, Centre for European and North Atlantic Affairs, Jozefská 19, Bratislava. COUNTERING THE CHINA THREAT: CHINA’S GOODWILL CAMPAIGN IN FOREIGN POLICY, - by JESICA LYNN SEVERSON A THESIS Presented to the Department of Political Science.
Three different logics have been constructed to substantiate the "China threat" thesis. First, ideological and cultural factors make China a threat.
For neo-conservatives in the Bush Administration, the mere factor that China still sticks to communism makes view it adversely. Nor is China's sheer size a self-evident confirmation of the "China threat" thesis, as other countries like India, Brazil, and Australia are almost as big as China.
Instead, China as a "threat" has much to do with the partic- ular mode of U.S. self-imagination. Three different logics have been constructed to substantiate the "China threat" thesis. First, ideological and cultural factors make China a threat. For neo-conservatives in the Bush Administration, the mere factor that China .